Category Archives: Rigdzin Gödem

The Five Repositories of the Zangzang Lhadrak Discovery and Further Conditions of Revelation

 Jean-Luc Achard
(CNRS, CRCAO)1

The Termas revealed by Rigdzin Gödem (1337–1409) in Zangzang Lhadrak2 are known under the collective appellation of the “Five Repositories” (mdzod lnga). They were found in a chest of rhinoceros hide (bse sgrom) divided into five parts: a central one and four sections, dispatched in the four directions. Each of these sections makes up a repository containing a specific set of teachings. Thus, according to the Root-Sādhana of the Knowledge-Holders (Rig ‘dzin rtsa ba’i sgrub thabs), these teachings are organized as follows:

In the eastern direction, within the White Conch Repository,
There is a statue of guru Vajrasattva
And the practice (to perform) in the mode (characterizing) pacifying (activities).

In the southern direction, within the Golden Yellow Repository,
There is a (statue of) the master (in the form) of the great and glorious Heruka
And the practice (to perform) in his wrathful form for increasing (activities).
 

In the western direction, within the Red Copper Repository,
There is a (statue of) the master (in the form) of the Protector Amitāyus
And the practice (to perform) in the mode of the subjugating (activities).

In the northern direction, within the Black Iron Repository,
There is a (statue of) the master (in the form) of the Blood-Drinking Heruka
And the practice (to perform) in the mode of the wrathful (activities).

In the central direction, within the Brown Heart Repository,
There is a (statue of) the master (in the form) of the Emanation Body of the Knowledge-Holder3
And the practice of secret methods
.4

Continue reading

  1. Thanks to Marianne Ginalski and Jay Valentine for their suggestions and corrections. []
  2. On Mount Zangzang Lhadrak, see Achard, “The Location of Zang zang lha brag according to Se ston Padma dbang chen’s General Presentation of the Northern Treasures and the Concealment of the Treasures.” []
  3. I.e. Padmasambhava. []
  4. From Se ston, Byang gter spyi bcings, pp. 408-409: shar phyogs dung mdzod dkar po na: bla ma rdo rje sems dpa’ sku: zhi ba’i tshul du sgrub pa yod: lho phyogs gser mdzod ser po nas: bla ma dpal chen he ru ka: rgyas pa khro bo’i tshul du sgrub pa yod: nub phyogs zangs mdzod dmar po na: bla ma mgon po tshe dpag med: dbang gi tshul du sgrub pa yod: byang phyogs lcags mdzod nag po na: bla ma khrag ‘thung he ru ka: drag po’i tshul du sgrub pa yod: dbus kyi snying mdzod smug po na: bla ma rig ‘dzin sprul pa’i sku: gsang ba thabs (p. 409) kyi sgrub pa yod:. The original text is actually slightly different and reads as follows (p. 114; parts in bold show the variant reading): shar phyogs dung mdzod dkar po na: bla ma rdo rje sems dpa’i sku: zhi ba’i tshul du sgrub thabs yod: lho phyogs gser mdzod ser po na: bla (missing: ma) dpal chen he ru ka: khro bo’i tshul du sgrub thabs yod: nub kyi zangs mdzod dmar po na: bla ma mgon po tshe dpag med: dbang gi tshul du sgrub thabs yod: byang phyogs lcags mdzod nag po na: bla ma khrag ‘thung he ru ka: drag po’i tshul du sgrub thabs yod: dbus kyi snying mdzod smug po na: bla ma rig ‘dzin sprul pa’i sku: gsang ba thugs kyi sgrub thabs yod:. []

དཔལ་ལྡན་འཇམ་དབྱངས་བླ་མ་ཞེས་པ་རིག་འཛིན་རྒོད་ལྡེམ་གྱི་ཡང་སྲིད་ཡིན་མིན་ལ་རོབ་ཙམ་དཔྱད་པ་བྲེ་མོའི་གཏམ།

By Tenpa Tsering Batsang བསྟན་པ་ཚེ་རིང་། CRCAO, INALCO

གླེང་གཞི།

སྤྱིར་བོད་ཀྱི་ཆོས་བརྒྱུད་ཆེ་ཁག་གི་བླ་བརྒྱུད་དང་རུས་ཆེན་དཔེར་ན། འཁོན་དང་། རླངས་དང་། རྔོག་དང་། གནུབས་དང་། དེ་བཞིན་ཟུར་ལ་སོགས་པའི་མེས་པོ་རྣམས་ནི་དུས་རབས་བརྒྱད་པའི་ནང་བོད་དུ་བྱོན་པའི་ཨོ་རྒྱན་གྱི་སློབ་དཔོན་པདྨ་འབྱུང་གནས་ཀྱི་བཀའ་འབངས་སུ་གཏོགས་པ་འབའ་ཞིག་ཡིན་པ་སྨོས་མེད་ཐོག་བསྟན་པ་ཕྱི་དར་ནས་བཟུང་ད་བར་གྱི་གསར་རྙིང་གི་གཏེར་སྟོན་ཕལ་མོ་ཆེའང་སློབ་དཔོན་པདྨའི་ཐུགས་སྲས་རྗེ་(ཆོས་རྒྱལ་ཁྲི་སྲོང་ཡབ་སྲས)འབངས་ཉེར་ལྔའི་རྣམ་སྤྲུལ་ལམ་སྐུ་སྐྱེ་ཡིན་པ་ལུང་བསྟན་ཅི་རིགས་ལ་བརྟེན་ནས་ངོས་འཛིན་བྱེད་བཞིན་ཡོད།1 དེའི་ཁྲོད་ནས་དུས་རབས་བཅུ་བཞིའི་ནང་ལ་སྟོད་བྱང་ངམ་རིང་གི་ཉེ་འགྲམ་ཟང་ཟང་ལྷ་བྲག་ནས་བློན་པོ་ལྟ་བུའི་གཏེར་མཛོད་ལྔ་བཞེས་ཏེ་བྱང་གཏེར་གྱི་2 བསྟན་པའི་སྲོལ་གཏོད་པ་པོ་གཏེར་སྟོན་དངོས་གྲུབ་རྒྱལ་མཚན་ནམ་རིག་འཛིན་རྒོད་ལྡེམ་ཅན་༼༡༣༣–༧༡༤༠༩༽ཡང་སློབ་དཔོན་པདྨའི་དངོས་སློབ་དང་། རྡོ་རྗེ་ཕུར་པའི་ཉམས་ལེན་པ་སྣ་ནམ་རྡོ་རྗེ་བདུད་འཇོམས་3 ཀྱི་རྣམ་སྤྲུལ་ལམ་སྐུ་སྐྱེ་ཡིན་པ་གཏེར་སྟོན་བཟང་པོ་གྲགས་པའི་གཏེར་ལུང་ 4 དང་རང་ཉིད་ཀྱི་གཏེར་ལུང་5 སོགས་ནས་གསུངས།

རིག་འཛིན་རྒོད་ལྡེམ་ཅན་གྱི་ཡབ་མེས་ཚོར་ཆ་མཚོན་ན། བསྟན་པ་ཕྱི་དར་སྐབས་ཀྱི་ཟུར་ཆུང་ཤེས་རབ་གྲགས་པ། ༼༡༠༡༤–༡༠༧༤༽ དང་ཉང་རལ་ཉི་མ་འོད་ཟེར་༼༡༡༢༤–༡༡༩༣༽ དེ་བཞིན་གུ་རུ་ཆོས་ཀྱི་དབང་ཕྱུག་ ༼༡༢༡༢ ༡༢༧༠༽ ལྟར་རྟེན་སྔགས་འཆང་རྡོ་རྗེ་འཛིན་པ་འབའ་ཞིག་དང་གདུང་རྒྱུད་ལ་གཙིགས་ཆེར་འཛིན་མཁན་ཡིན།6 དེར་བརྟེན་རིག་འཛིན་རྒོད་ལྡེམ་ཉིད་ཀྱང་རྟེན་སྔགས་འཆང་ཡིན་ལ་དགོངས་པ་མ་རྫོགས་གོང་དུ་རང་ཉིད་ཀྱི་བསྟན་པའི་བདག་པོར་རིགས་སྲས་རྣམ་རྒྱལ་མགོན་པོ་༼༡༣༩༩–༡༤༢༤༽ བཀོས། སྲས་རྣམ་རྒྱལ་མགོན་པོས་བདག་མོ་བཞེས་ཀྱང་སྲས་མ་འཁྲུངས་པས་རིག་འཛིན་རྒོད་ལྡེམ་གྱི་གདུང་རྒྱུད་ཆད་པར་མངོན་ནོ།7 གལ་སྲིད་སྲས་རྣམ་རྒྱལ་མགོན་པོར་སྲས་འཁྲུངས་ཡོད་ཚེ་རིག་འཛིན་རྒོད་ལྡེམ་གྱི་གདུང་རྒྱུད་དེད་པ་ལས་ཡང་སྲིད་བརྩི་སྲོལ་བྱུང་མེད་པའང་སྲིད་། གང་ལྟར་རིགས་སྲས་རྣམ་རྒྱལ་མགོན་པོ་དགུང་ལོ་༢༥་ལ་དགོངས་པ་རྫོགས་པར་བརྟེན་དུས་རབས་ཀྱི་འགྲོས་(དུས་རབས་བཅུ་གསུམ་ནང་གྲུབ་ཆེན་ཨོ་རྒྱན་པས་༼༡༢༢༩–༡༣༠༩༽ཀརྨ་པ་རང་བྱུང་རྡོ་རྗེ་༼༡༢༠༤ ༡༢༨༣༽ཀརྨ་པཀྴིའི་༼༡༢༨༤–༡༣༣༩༽ ཡང་སྲིད་དུ་ངོས་འཛིན་ཡོངས་གྲགས་གནང་བ་ནས་བཟུང་བོད་དུ་སྤྲུལ་སྐུ་ངོས་འཛིན་གྱི་སྲོལ་ཤུགས་ཆེར་དར)8 དང་བསྟུན་ནས་རིག་འཛིན་རྒོད་ལྡེམ་ལའང་ཡང་སྲིད་འཚོལ་བའི་སྲོལ་བྱུང་། རྒོད་ལྡེམ་སྐུ་ཕྲེང་གཉིས་པ་ལེགས་ལྡན་རྡོ་རྗེའི་༼༡༤༥–༢༡༥༦༥༽9 དང་དེའི་ཡང་སྲིད་དུ་རྡོ་རྗེ་བྲག་གི་དགོན་པ་ཕྱག་བཏབ་མཁན་བྱང་བདག་བཀྲ་ཤིས་སྟོབས་རྒྱལ་༼༡༥༥༠? –༡༦༠༣༽ གྱི་སྲས་ངག་གི་དབང་པོ་༼༡༥༨༠–༡༦༣༩༽ ངོས་འཛིན་བྱུང་པ་ནས་བཟུང་རྒོད་ལྡེམ་པའི་ཡང་སྲིད་ན་རིམ་ལ་རྡོ་རྗེ་བྲག་རིག་འཛིན་ཞེས་པའི་མཚན་འདི་བྱུང་། ད་བར་ཡོངས་གྲགས་སུ་རིག་འཛིན་རྒོད་ལྡེམ་ཅན་ནས་ཐུབ་བསྟན་འཇིགས་མེད་རྣམ་གྲོལ་རྒྱ་མཚོ་༼༡༩༣–༣༢༠༢༤༽་བར་རྡོ་རྗེ་བྲག་གི་རིག་འཛིན་སྐུ་ཕྲེང་བཅུ་བྱུང་ཡོད། འོན་ཀྱང་དུས་རབས་བཅུ་བདུན་དང་ཕྱིས་ཀྱི་ཡིག་ཆ་འགའ་ཞིག་ལྟར་ན་དུས་རབས་བཅོ་ལྔའི་10 ནང་གཙང་མྱང་སྟོད་ཕྱོགས་སུ་དཔལ་ལྡན་འཇམ་དབྱངས་བླ་མའམ་གུ་རུ་འཇམ་དབྱངས་བླ་མ་ཞུ་བའི་གཏེར་སྟོན་ཞིག་བྱོན་ཅིང་། ཁོང་པ་རིག་འཛིན་རྒོད་ལྡེམ་གྱི་ཡང་སྲིད་དང་རྣམ་སྤྲུལ་ཡིན་པ་གསུངས་འདུག དེ་ལྟར་ན་ཁོང་པ་ཡོངས་གྲགས་སུ་ཁས་ལེན་པའི་རྒོད་ལྡེམ་སྐུ་ཕྲེང་གཉིས་པ་ལེགས་ལྡན་རྡོ་རྗེ་11 དང་དུས་མཉམ་པའམ་ཅུང་སྔ་བར་བྱོན་པ་མངོན་པས་རྒོད་ལྡེམ་སྐུ་ཕྲེང་གཉིས་པ་ནི་དཔལ་ལྡན་འཇམ་དབྱངས་བླ་མ་ཡིན་དགོས། 

འོན་ཀྱང་ཡོངས་གྲགས་སུ་དེ་ལྟར་འདོད་མཁན་མེད། ལྷག་དོན་དཔལ་ལྡན་འཇམ་དབྱངས་བླ་མའི་རྣམ་ཐར་མཇལ་རྒྱུ་མེད་ཅིང་ཁོང་གི་གཏེར་ཆོས་རྣམས་ཀྱང་ཕྱོགས་རེ་བ་ཙམ་དང་ཁ་བྱང་ཙམ་ལས་མཇལ་དུ་མེད་པས་སྐྱེས་བུ་སུ་ཞིག་གིས་འཇམ་དབྱངས་བླ་མའི་མཚན་ཅན་གྱི་སྐྱེས་བུ་འདི་པ་རྒོད་ལྡེམ་གྱི་ཡང་སྲིད་དུ་ངོས་འཛིན་མཛད་པའམ་གཏེར་ལུང་ཅི་འདྲ་ཞིག་ནས་རྒོད་ལྡེམ་པའི་ཡང་སྲིད་དུ་ལུང་བསྟན་པ་སོགས་ཁ་མཚོན་གཅོད་ཁ་ལ་ཐུབ། དེར་བརྟེན་ཁོ་བོས་དུས་རབས་བཅུ་དྲུག་ནས་བཅུ་དགུ་དབར་གྱི་ཡིག་ཆ་<<ཟབ་ཁྱད་གཏེར་མའི་ལོ་རྒྱུས་གཏེར་སྟོན་ཆོས་འབྱུང་ནོར་བུའི་འཕྲེང་བ།>> <<གཏེར་སྟོན་བརྒྱ་རྩའི་མཚན་སྡོམ་གསོལ་འདེབས་>>དང་དེའི་འགྲེལ་པ་ལོ་རྒྱུས་<<གཏེར་བཏོན་ཆོས་འབྱུང་།>> <<མྱང་ཆོས་འབྱུང་>> << སྐུ་གསུམ་བརྒྱུད་པ་དྲུག་ལྡན་གཏེར་སྟོན་བཀྲ་ཤིས་གྲངས་མེད་ཀྱི་གསོལ་འདེབས་ཀྱི་འགྲེལ་པ་གཏེར་སྟོན་ཆོསའབྱུང་>> <<གུ་བཀྲ་ཆོས་འབྱུང་>> <<གཏེར་སྟོན་བརྒྱ་རྩའི་རྣམ་ཐར>>ལ་སོགས་པའི་ནང་གཏེར་སྟོན་འདིའི་ཐོག་ཇི་ལྟར་གསལ་བ་རྣམས་མཚུངས་བསྡུར་གྱིས་དཔལ་ལྡན་འཇམ་དབྱངས་བླ་མའི་འཁྲུངས་ཡུལ་དང་གཏེར་ཆོས་སྐོར་མདོར་ཙམ་དང་། རིག་འཛིན་རྒོད་ལྡེམ་པའི་ཡང་སྲིད་དང་རྣམ་སྤྲུལ་ཡིན་གསུང་མཁན་དང་། ཡིན་མིན་གང་ཡང་མི་གསུང་མཁན་དང་། བྱང་གཏེར་ལུགས་གཙང་མ་འཛིན་པ་དག་གི་བཞེད་ཕྱོགས་བཅས་དོན་ཚན་བཞིའི་ཐོག་ལ་དཔྱད་པ་རོབ་ཙམ་བྱ་རྒྱུ་ཡིན།

Continue reading
  1. གཏེར་སྟོན་བརྒྱ་རྩའི་རྣམ་ཐར། ཤོག ༢༩ ནས ༣༠ དབར། []
  2. བློན་པོ་ལྟ་བུའི་གཏེར་ཞེས་ཡོངས་སུ་བསྔགས་པ་ལྟར་མཐའ་དམག་ཟློག་པ་དང་། རིམས་ནད་གཅོད་པ། བོད་ཀྱི་ནང་འཁྲུག་ཞི་བར་བྱེད་པ། འགོང་པོ་ཨར་ལ་གཏད་པ། སྡེ་པའི་མངའ་ཐང་གསོ་བ། ས་ནད་དང་གཉན་ནད་འདུལ་བ་སོགས་ཀྱི་ཐབས་ཤེས་བྱང་མཛོད་ལྔའི་ནང་ཡོད་པར་གསུངས། ཞིབ་ཕྲ་༧ལྔ་པ་ཆེན་པོས་མཛད་པའི་བྱང་པ་རིག་འཛིན་ངག་གི་དབང་པོའི་རྣམ་པར་ཐར་པ་ངོ་མཚོར་བཀོད་པ་རྒྱ་མཚོའི་ཤོག་གྲངས། ༤༨༦ ནས། ༤༨༧ ལ་གཟིགས། []
  3. ཁོང་ནི་དུས་རབས་བརྒྱད་པའི་ནང་བྱོན་ཅིང་སློབ་དཔོན་ཆེན་པོ་པདྨ་འབྱུང་གནས་བོད་དུ་གདན་འདྲེན་མཁན་གྱི་ཕོ་ཉའི་ཁྲོད་ནས་གཅིག་ཡིན་ལ། ཆོས་རྒྱལ་ཁྲི་སྲོང་གི་ཆོས་བློན་ཞིག་ཀྱང་ཡིན། ལྷག་དོན་ཁོང་ནི་ལོ་ཙཱ་བའང་ཡིན་ཏེ་བཀའ་འགྱུར་ཁྲོད་དུ་ཁོང་གིས་བསྒྱུར་བའི་དཔེ་ཆ་ཉུང་མཐར་གཉིས་མཆིས། རྒྱས་པ་གཟིགས་འདོད་ན། གུ་རུ་བཀྲའི་ཆོས་འབྱུང་། ཤོག ༡༧༢ ནས ༡༧༢ དང་། A complete catalogue of the Tibetan Buddhist Cannon ཡི་ཤོག་གྲངས. ༢༠༦ དང་། ༤༣༧ ལ་གཟིགས། []
  4. གཏེར་སྟོན་བཟང་པོ་གྲགས་པའི་གཏེར་མ། སྙིང་ཏིག་གནད་ཀྱི་མན་ངག་དོན་བདུན། ཤོག་གྲངས། ༢༨༩ ནས ༢༩༠ ལས་རིག་འཛིན་རྒོད་ལྡེམ་ལུང་བསྟན་ཚུལ་ནི། བྱང་ཕྱོགས་ཐོ་ཡོར་ནག་པོའི་ས་ཕྱོགས་སུཿ   རི་བོ་བཀྲ་བཟང་ཞེས་པའི་ཤར་འདབས་སུཿ  ཆུ་ཁམས་གླང་ལོ་སྨེ་བའི་མཚན་རྟགས་ཅནཿ   པད་མ་ང་ཡི་བྱིན་གྱིས་བརླབས་པཌྷི་རྟགསཿ སྤྱི་བོར་རྒོད་ཀྱི་ལྡེམ་འཕྲུ་ཡང་ཡང་འབྱུང་ཿ  ལས་ཅན་དེ་ལ་དགེ་བའི་བསྐུལ་འདེབས་མཛདཿ   སྤྱིར་དུ་ལས་དང་སྨོན་ལམ་སྟོབས་ཆེན་གྱིཿ  ངེས་པར་གཏེར་དེ་སྐྱེས་བུ་དེ་ཡིས་འདོནཿ གུང་ཐད་སྟོད་དུ་བདེ་སྐྱིད་འབྱུང་ལགས་ཀྱིཿ []
  5. རིག་འཛིན་རྒོད་ལྡེམ་པའི་གཏེར་མ། སྙན་བརྒྱུད་དྲུག་གི་ཐོ་བྱང་སྙ་བརྒྱུད་རིན་པོ་ཆེའི་ལུང་བྱང་ཡེ་ཤེས་ཐུགས་ཀྱི་ལྡེ་མིག་གི་ཤོག་གྲངས་༡༩༢ ནས ༡༩༣ ལས་རིག་འཛིན་རྒོད་ལྡེམ་ལུང་བསྟན་ཚུལ་ནི། རྡོ་རྗེ་བདུད་འཇོམས་སྐུ་ཡི་སྲསཿ ཁྲོ་བོའི་ཆ་བྱད་གཟི་བརྗིད་ཆེཿ གྲུབ་ཐོབ་རྒྱལ་པོ་ལུང་བསྟན་ཅནཿ   གནས་དེར་སྐྱེ་བའི་ཚུལ་བསྟན་ནསཿ ལུས་ཀྱི་སྤྱོད་པ་མ་ངེས་ཏེཿ ངག་ཏུ་མི་རྟོག་ཆོས་འཆད་འགྱུརཿ  ཡིད་ལ་ཡང་དག་སྙིང་པོ་སྒྲུབཿ ཉི་ཤུ་རྩ་ལྔ་ལོན་པའི་ཚེཿ ཡ་མཚན་རྟགས་དང་དངོས་གྲུབ་ཐོབཿ  བྱང་ཕྱོགས་གཉན་ཡུལ་ཟང་ཟང་ནསཿ   གསང་སྔགས་བསྟན་པའི་སྒོ་རྙེད་འགྱུརཿ ཆོས་སྒོ་ལྔ་བརྒྱ་ཕྲག་གཅིག་སྟོནཿ   སོགས་གསུངས་སོ། []
  6. སེ་སྟོན་ཉི་མ་བཟང་པོས་མཛད་པའི་རིག་འཛིན་རྒོད་ལྡེམ་གྱི་རྣམ་ཐར། རིག་འཛིན་དངོས་གྲུབ་རྒྱལ་མཚན་གྱི་རྣམ་ཐར་ཉི་མའི་འོད་ཟེར། ཤོག་གྲངས། ༡ ནས། ༧ དབར་ལ་གཟིགས། []
  7. བྱ་བཏང་ཕྱག་རྡོར་ནོར་བུས་མཛད་པའི་བྱང་གཏེར་བླ་མ་བརྒྱུད་པའི་རྣམ་ཐར་བསམ་འཕེལ་མ་ཎི་ཀའི་འཕྲེང་བ། ཤོག་གྲངས། ༤༧༥ ནས ༤༧༩ ལ་གཟིགས། []
  8. སྤྲུལ་སྐུ་ངོས་འཛིན་བྱེད་དགོས་པའི་རྒྱབ་ལྗོངས་ཀྱི་སྐོར་མཁྱེན་འདོད་ན་བླ་བྲག་སྐལ་བཟང་གིས་བྲིས་པའི་བོད་ཀྱི་སྤྲུལ་སྐུའི་རྣམ་བཤད། ཤོག་གྲངས། ༦ ནས ༩ བར་ལ་གཟིགས། []
  9. རིག་འཛིན་ལེགས་ལྡན་རྡོ་རྗེ་ནི་ []
  10. ནང་བསྟན་དཔེ་མཛོད་ཁང་(BDRC) ནས་གཏེར་སྟོན་འདི་དུས་རབས་བཅོ་ལྔ་ལ་བཞག་འདུག []
  11. ཁོང་ནི་གཏེར་ཁ་མང་པོ་ནས་སྣ་ནམ་རྡོ་རྗེ་བདུད་འཇོམས་ཀྱི་རྣམ་སྤྲུལ་དུ་ལུང་བསྟན་པ་ཙམ་དུ་མ་ཟད། པདྨ་འཕྲིན་ལས་ཀྱིས་མཛད་པའི་འདུས་པ་མདོ་དབང་གི་བླ་མ་བརྒྱུད་པའི་རྣམ་ཐར། ཤོག ༢༦༦ ནང་ཁོང་པ་རིག་འཛིན་རྒོད་ལྡེམ་གྱི་སྐྱེ་བ་ཡིན་པ་ཞལ་བཞེས་མཛད་ཡོད། []

རིག་འཛིན་རྒོད་ལྡེམ་གཏེར་ནས་བཏོན་པའི་རྫོགས་པ་ཆེན་པོ་ཀ་དག་རང་བྱུང་རང་ཤར་སྤྱིར་བསྟན་དང་ཁོག་དབུབ་སྐོར།

Jean-Luc Achard
CNRS, CRCAO

གཏེར་ཆེན་རིག་འཛིན་རྒོད་ལྡེམ་གཏེར་ནས་བཏོན་པའི་རྫོགས་པ་ཆེན་པོ་ཀ་དག་རང་བྱུང་རང་ཤར་ཞེས་བྱ་བ་ཨོ་རྒྱན་པདྨའི་སྙན་རྒྱུད་ཁོངས་སུ་གཏོགས་ཏེ་སྤྲོས་པའི་མཐའ་སྤྱོད་པའི་སློབ་དཔོན་ཆེན་པོའི་སྙན་རྒྱུད་ཡིན།  ཨ་འཛོམ་ཆོས་སྒར་གྱི་དཔེ་སྐྲུན་བཞིན་ཡང་ཟབ་གནད་ཀྱི་ཆོས་ཚན་ནི་ཆོས་སྡེ་བཅོ་ལྔ་ཐེམ་བྱང་དང་བཅས་པས་ཆོས་ཚན་བཅུ་དྲུག་ཡོད།  ཁྱད་པར་དུ་ཆོས་ཚན་དེ་རྣམས་དབང་དུ་བྱས་ན་ཞུས་ལེན་གནད་ཀྱི་ཡི་གེ་དང་གཅིག།  ཞལ་ཆེམས་རིན་ཆེན་གཟེར་བུ་དང་གཉིས།  མ་རིག་མུན་སེལ་དང་གསུམ།  སྙིང་པོ་བསྡུས་པ་རིག་པའི་དབང་དང་བཞི།  གནད་ཏིག་ཞལ་གདམས་ཟབ་མོའི་ཐེམས་དང་ལྔ།  ངོ་སྤྲོད་རང་རིག་རང་གསལ་དང་དྲུག།  གེགས་སེལ་ནོར་བུ་རཏྣའི་བང་མཛོད་དང་བདུན།  མན་ངག་གསལ་བའི་སྒྲོན་མ་དང་བརྒྱད་དོ།  རྒྱུད་གཉིས་ནི་ཀུན་གྲོལ་རྡོ་རྗེ་སེམས་དཔའི་རྒྱུད་ལེའུ་དགུ་པ་དང་།  རང་བྱུང་རང་ཤར་རྩ་བའི་རྒྱུད་ལེའུ་བཅུ་གསུམ་དང་བཅས་པའོ།  ཆོས་སྐོར་ཀུན་ཀྱང་ཚིག་དོན་གང་ཞེ་ན་མཉམ་པར་བཞག་པ་ཏིང་ངེ་འཛིན་གཙོ་བོར་སྟོན་པའི་ཡང་གསང་བླ་ན་མེད་པའི་སྙན་བརྒྱུད་ཡིན་ནོ། ༡༩༧༣ ལོར་པད་མ་ཆོས་ལྡན་གྱིས་པར་སྐྲུན་བྱས་པའི་དཔེ་ཚོགས་དེའི་སྙིང་དོན་ནི་གཤམ་གསལ་ལྟར་ཏེ།

དཀར་ཆག།

༠༽ཐེམ་བྱང་།་་་་་༡-༢

༡༽སྔོན་འགྲོ་རིན་པོ་ཆེ་གནད་ཀྱི་གཟེར་ལྔ།་་་་་་་་༣-༣༡

༢༽གསོལ་འདེབས།་་་་་་་་་༣༣-༣༩ Continue reading

Revisiting the Revelation of the Gongpa Zangthel

Jean-Luc Achard
(CNRS, CRCAO)1

The cycle of the Transparent Contemplation of Samantabhadra or Künzang Gongpa Zangthel (Kun bzang dgongs pa zang thal) contains several non-doctrinal narrative works explaining the history of the lineage, the contents of the collection, prophecies, and other similar texts.2 At the very outset of the first volume, the collection includes an interesting short work dedicated to the story describing the actual revelation of the treasure (gter ma). What is even more interesting is that it is written in the first person, which means that what we read in this text is said to have been directly written down by the tertön, namely Rigdzin Gödem (1337–1408) himself.3

The narration itself is very straightforward and replete with details which give it a definite flavor of authenticity. As will be seen in the translation, extraordinary marvels and wonders are at the core of the story, but given the nature of the event, the intervention of such elements in the narrative does not come as a surprise. As a matter of fact, the role played by atmospheric miracles and the encounters with the Guardians of the Treasure (gter srung) are standard topics occurring in such a revelatory context. Therefore, they should not be automatically dismissed as superstitions since there are numerous elements at play during the revelation of a terma that would easily challenge the most skeptical minds.4 Many of these elements—provided they have not been produced by the imagination of the tertön—are impossible to analyze from a scientific perspective but would nevertheless definitely deserve to be investigated in an emic perspective. I have just mentioned two of them—atmospheric “events” and contacts with local entities5—as these are central in the text translated below, but other modalities such as prophecies, environmental disturbances, collective karma, astrological conjunctions, etc., play crucial roles before, during, and after the revelation itself.

Continue reading

  1. My thanks go to Marianne Ginalski for her corrections and suggestions on the original draft of this paper. []
  2. These appear either as compositions or as revealed material. The text translated below is a composition. []
  3. There are other works directly attributed to rGod ldem’s hand, such as The Symbolic Omens Appearing in Dreams, in Eight Chapters (mNal lam brda’i ltas le’u brgyad ma) which will be discussed in another paper. []
  4. I am not formulating here a panegyric of some sort of the gter ma phenomenon but the recurring nature of these elements during the revelation of a treasure must certainly be studied on its own, even if only for proposing a hermeneutic interpretation of some of its components. Having recourse to hackneyed arguments limiting the interpretative process to cultural representations that have no reality at all is evidently a dead-end that has deviated research into fossilized, clearly uniformed opinions. The process of revealing treasures is much more complex as is evidenced by the Third rDo grub chen rin po che (1865–1926)’s work on the topic, entitled The Ocean of Wonders (Ngo mtshar rgya mtsho); see the translation of this text in T. Thondup, Hidden Teachings of Tibet, passim. []
  5. The first ones can possibly be witnessed by a third party but not necessarily the second ones. []

Nyingma Perspective on Obstacles to the Revelation of Treasures (gter ma)

by Jean-Luc Achard
(CRCAO, CNRS)1

While the discovery of Treasures is generally seen as a very auspicious sign, in particular for those attending a “public revelation” (khrom gter), as well as for the immediate environment of the treasure site (gter gnas) and the locals, situations (lit. “defects”) resulting from not revealing Treasures (ma thon pa’i skyon) are the particular causes of ominous events. Thus, when the circumstances surrounding a revelation fall under the power of demonic forces (bdud), the Treasure Revealer will potentially lack the specific “good fortune” necessary to carry out his revelation. In a wider perspective, this is often portrayed in apocalyptic literature as a dramatic state of affairs leading to the arising of intense sufferings for Tibet and its inhabitants. In such a context, both the “king of Tibet” (bod kyi rje) and the population will face dire obstacles. To illustrate this situation, in his Precious Garland (Rin chen phreng ba), Setön Pema Wangchen first quotes a passage from the Seven Topics of the Crucial Precepts of the Heart Drops (sNying tig gnad kyi man ngag don bdun), a treasure revealed by tertön Zangpo Drakpa, in which it is said:

If, having fallen under the power of the demons, (the tertön) lacks the good fortune to reveal Treasures,
The Tibetan king and his people will experience unbearable sufferings.
2

Continue reading

  1. I would like to thank Marianne Ginalski for her kind suggestions and corrections. []
  2. As quoted by Setön in his Precious Garland (Rin chen phreng ba), p. 391: gal te bdud kyi dbang du gyur nas gter thon pa’i skal ba dang mi ldan na: bod kyi rje ‘bangs bzod pa’i thabs med pa’i sdug bsngal la sbyor ro/. []

Apocalyptic Times and the Revelation of Rigdzin Gödem’s Transparent Contemplation of Samantabhadra

by Jean-Luc Achard

(CNRS, CRCAO)1

In his Garland of Jewels (Rin chen phreng ba), a fascinating work devoted to the “General Presentation of the Cycles of Teachings of the Northern Treasures” (Byang gter gyi chos skor rnams kyi spyi chings), Setön Pema Wangchen (15th c.) provides a brief analysis of the period in which Rigdzin Gödem was to reveal the treasure of the Transparent Contemplation of Samantabhadra (Kun bzang dgongs pa zang thal). Basing himself on a series of prophecies, Setön uses five main sources from which he has extracted brief excerpts. These are the subject of the present short paper.

In general, termas are said to be revealed during particularly difficult moments in history, in the course of degenerate times and situations. In traditional Tibetan context, this is often described as periods plagued with spiritual decay, a general decline in virtues, a fall of the royal (or local) Houses, internal conflicts, a general disintegration of familial structures, moral corruption and so forth. This degeneration of times is also expressed in the form of demonic manifestations, the spread of vicious behaviors, epidemics, epizootics, etc. For instance, in the Three Kinds of Lamps (sGron ma rnam gsum), the conditions requiring the revelation of Gödem’s terma are termed as follows:

During the period of degeneration and bad times (associated with) this Treasure,
At the time when the king falls into the populace,
When butchers become leaders of men,
When quarrels rage between fathers and siblings,
When divine supports2
 are destroyed and broken to pieces,
When one is being deceived by beloved companions,
When discord spread between masters and disciples,
When teachers are put to the sword,
When tantrikas perform (only) village rituals,
When foxes wear the hide of lions,
When Gongpo spirits carol songs,3

When scholars sell (teachings) like charlatans,
When attachments and aversions blaze like fire,
When human corpses are scattered
4 across the plains,
A noble emanated individual (arising)
From this Compassion of mine, (Orgyen) Pema,
Will come before this mountain
And, at that time, will excavate this treasure
.5
Continue reading

  1. I would like to thank Marianne Ginalski for her kind suggestions and corrections. []
  2. See below for details. []
  3. On ‘gong po, see Nebesky-Wojkowitz,Oracles and Demons of Tibet, pp. 283-285. []
  4. The verb that is used is ‘grems pa (spread out, display, etc.) in the original text. Funnily enough, Setön, in his Garland of Jewels (Rin chen ‘phreng ba, p. 30) reads that as ‘grims pa, as if understanding the verse as meaning something like “zombies rambling in the flatlands”. []
  5. sGron ma rnam gsum, p. 36: gter ‘di dus ngan snyigs ma’i dus: rgyal po dmangs su ‘bebs pa’i dus : shan pas mi mgo byed pa’i dus:  pha spun dme ‘khrug byed pa’i dus: lha rten bshig nas brdung ba’i dus: snying brtse’i grogs kyis bslu pa’i dus: slob dpon slob ma rnyog pa’i dus: dge bshes gri ru ‘chi ba’i dus: sngags pa grong chog byed pa’i dus: seng lpags wa yis gon pa’i dus: ‘gong pos rgyang glu len pa’i dus:  mkhas pas zog po brin pa’i dus:  chags sdang me ltar ‘bar ba’i dus: mi ro thang la ‘grems pa’i dus: padma nga yi thugs rje las: sprul pa’i gang zag dam pa gcig:  ri bo ‘di’i mdun du ‘byung :  de dus gter ‘di ‘don par ‘gyur:. []

Alien and Internal Prophecies regarding Rigdzin Gödem according to Setön Pema Wangchen

by Jean-Luc Achard
(CNRS, CRCAO)1

Setön’s brief analysis of the prophecies related to Gödem in his Generalities about the Northern Treasures (Byang gter spyi bcings) consists of a mere, yet logical, twofold list, enumerating first the main prophecies that are to be found in alien Terma literature (gter kha gzhan nas), i.e., outside the corpus of the Northern Treasures (Byang gter), and then listing those that are included within that corpus. In doing so, he intends to demonstrate the manifest importance of Gödem in the Nyingma tradition as a whole, and not only within his own lineage.

1. Prophecies made outside the Northern Treasures

In this first category, Setön quotes seven main sources—all of gter ma origins—, some of which have supposedly been discovered prior to Gödem’s birth. The first text that is quoted is The Prophecy of the Treasure (revealed by) Künkyong Lingpa (Kun skyong gling pa’i gter kha’i lung bstan),2 in which appears the following prophetic statement:

His miraculous power will be said to fulfill the aspirations of those to be tamed;
This man with a vulture feather on his head
Will retrieve all treasure vases (from) Trazang;
How can the summary of these be thoroughly sufficient?
3

Continue reading

  1. I would like to thank Marianne Ginalski and Jay Valentine for their kind suggestions and corrections. []
  2. So far I have been unable to locate this title. Kun skyong gling pa is said to have been born in 1396 or 1408 and to have passed away at the age of 82 (either in 1477 or in 1489). See Samten Chhosphel, “Kunkyong Lingpa”, https://treasuryoflives.org/biographies/view/Kunkyong-Lingpa/2232. []
  3. Se ston, pp. 382-383 : rdzu ‘phrul (p. 383) gdul bya’i re ba bskong ba zhes: rgod kyi ldem phru dbu la skyes pa ni: bkra bzang gter gyi bum pa thams cad ‘byin: de rnams mdor bstan zhib tu ga la ldang:. The last verse of the quatrain simply means that there would be much more to say. []

The Proto-Historical Origins of the Northern Treasures according to Se ston Padma dbang chen (15th c.)

Jean-Luc Achard
(CNRS, CRCAO)1

In the first part of his Garland of Jewels (Rin chen ‘phreng ba), Se ston Padma dbang chen briefly describes the origins of the Northern Treasures tradition, dating it back to the imperial period. We shall briefly recall here the well-known narrative that structures these origins. Se ston explains that in “earlier times” (sngon gyi dus na),2 there came an emanation of Mañjughoṣa (‘Jam pa’i dbyangs) who manifested as a king protecting Dharma under the name of Khri srong lde’u btsan (r. 755–797). At the age of thirteen, the young prince took hold of the royal seat and started to govern the country.3 Soon, his heart started to turn toward virtues and he became interested in Buddhist teachings. At the time, he was eighteen. He financed the building of temples (gtsug lag khang) that would lay the basis for the spread of Buddhism in the Tibetan kingdom, styled as a “region of darkness” (mun pa’i gling). To ensure this diffusion he decided to invite important masters from India, starting with the abbot Śāntarakṣita who was born in Zahor and whom Tibetans nicknamed “Abbot Bodhisattva”. The Abbot performed the ritual for subjugating the soil (sa ‘dul) and workers started to build the first Buddhist temple in bSam yas. However, as the now famous story goes, what was built by humans during the day was destroyed during the night by ill-intentioned demons.

Since the abbot failed to succeed in the building of the temple, the king was rather displeased. To counter the situation, Śāntarakṣita advised him to invite the ācārya Padmasambhava from India. Presented as having been miraculously born from a lotus on a lake, this master was described as not covered by the impurities of the womb. He had furthermore obtained the immortal Diamond Body (‘chi ba med pa rdo rje’i sku) and was said to be able to perform the activities of a thousand Buddhas.4 In India itself, he was already renown as an Emanation Body (sprul pa’i sku) capable of binding the Eight Classes of Gods and Demons (sde brgyad) into servitude.5 In reality, he was the concrete manifestation of Buddha Amitābha, living in the cave of Yari Gong (g.Ya’ ri gong) in India. Thus, three envoys were dispatched with gold in order to invite him.6 They met him in India and owing to the latter’s aspiration prayers formulated in a previous rebirth, Padmasambhava accepted the invitation to go to Tibet.7 The anachronistic date of their departure for Tibet is said to have been the 15th of the middle winter month of an Earth-Male-Horse year.8

Continue reading

  1. Thanks to Marianne Ginalski and to Jay Valentine for their suggestions and corrections. []
  2. I.e., during the 8th century. []
  3. At that time, the kingdom of Tibet was not limited to Central Tibet but embraced large parts of Central Asia, Northern China, most of the Himalayan regions, and so forth. However, this state of affairs was not to last long. []
  4. With such a Body, Padmasambhava is said to have obtained power over his lifetime (tshe la dbang ba). []
  5. On these eight classes, see Samten Karmay, “Une note sur l’origine du concept des huit catégories d’esprit”, passim. []
  6. These three envoys were sBa mi khri zher (of Yar klung), Śākya pra ba (of the ‘Chims clan), and Shud pu dPal gyi seng ge. []
  7. His aspiration prayers associated with a previous rebirth are an explicit reference to the legend surrounding the Bya rung kha shor (Bodnath) Stūpa on which see sNgags ‘chang Śākya bzang po, mChod rten chen po bya rung kha shor gyi lo rgyus thos pas grol ba, pp. 302-339. See the excellent translation of this work by Adam Pearcey, “Liberation Upon Hearing —The History of the Great Jarung Kashor Stūpa”, passim. []
  8. P. 4: sa pho rtsa dgu zla ‘bring po’i tshe bco lnga. The date is anachronistic because the addition of the element (‘byung ba) only happened after the introduction of the Kālacakra calendar in Tibet in the mid-11th century. []

A Line of Transmission of the dGongs pa zang thal according to the History of the Lineage known as the Garland of Gems (brGyud pa’i lo rgyus nor bu’i ‘phreng ba)

Jean-Luc Achard

(CNRS, CRCAO)

The brGyud pa’i lo rgyus nor bu’i phreng ba is a late work that has been included in some of the later editions of the dGongs pa zang thal.1 It was authored by one ‘Jam dbyangs bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po who is supposed to have been the 25th Sa skya khri chen, also known as Grags pa blo gros (1563–1617).2 I have so far been unable to identify any reference to the transmission of the dGongs pa zang thal in his biography, nor have I succeeded in locating in the same biography any interest of this master for rDzogs chen teachings. However, in the present narrative, he explains the lineage from which he has received transmission, including direct teachings from Chos kyi rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po, Rig ‘dzin Nam mkha’ grags pa and rNam rgyal mgon po, among others. This direct proximity raises questions about his dates.3 He states (p. 68) that the transmission he obtained from Nam mkha grags pa occurred 74 years after the gter ma revelation by rGod ldem. This would correspond to 1439 (sa mo lug).4 He also explains that the transmission lasted until 1441 (lcags mo bya), covering a period during which he received the various empowerments of the dGongs pa zang thal.5 The teachings he received are connected to the following line of transmission:

  1. ‘Od mi ‘gyur ba/Samantabhadra (pp. 45-46)6
  2. Buddhas of the Five Clans (rigs lnga) (p. 46)
  3. Mahā Vajradhara/Vajrasattva (p. 46)
  4. Vajrapāṇi (pp. 46-48)7
  5. dGa’ rab do rje (pp. 48-49)
  6. ‘Jam dpal bshes gnyen (Mañjuśrīmitra) (pp. 49-52)
  7. Shrī seng ha (Śrī Siṃha) (p. 52)
  8. Padmasambhava (p. 52)
  9. Vairocana (p. 52)
  10. Vimalamitra (p. 52)8
  11. Chos rgyal Khri srong lde btsan (p. 53)
  12. (Ye shes) mTsho rgyal (p. 53)9
  13. gTer ston Rig ‘dzin smug nag (p. 56)10
  14. bSod nams bzang po (p. 66)
  15. Rig ‘dzin chen po Nam mkha’ grags pa (p. 66)11
  16. rNam rgyal mgon po (p. 68)12
  17. Sa skya ‘Jam dbyangs bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po (p. 69)

The issue about the author of this text is thorny because his dates on the Sa skya side seem to be well established while they in fact do not fit with the chronology he himself gives of the transmission he received. A solution would be to suggest there has been two Sa skya ‘Jam dbyangs bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po-s, but I think it is pretty much unlikely.

 

Bibliography

Collective

sNga ‘gyur byang gter chos skor phyogs bsgrigs, s.l., 2015, 63 volumes, BDRC W2PD17457.

Rig ‘dzin rGod ldem (1337–1408)

— Byang gter phyogs bsgrigs: sNga ‘gyur byang gter chos skor phyogs bsgrigs, s.l., 2015, 63 vol. BDRC W2PD17457.

— Byaṅ gter rdzogs chen dgoṅs pa zaṅ thal and Thugs sgrub skor, Collections of texts from two cycles of rediscovered teachings of the Byaṅ-gter or Rdo-rje-brag tradition of the Rñyiṅ-ma-pa school, revealed from their place of concealment by Rig-‘dzin Rgod-kyi-ldem-‘phru-can. Reproduced from ancient manuscripts from the monastery of Gsaṅ-sṅags-chos-gliṅ in Spiti. Published by Orgyan Dorji, Suma, Kinnaur Distt., 3 volumes, 1978.

‘Jam mgon A mes zhabs (1597–1660)

sNgags ‘chang grags pa blo gros kyi rnam par thar pa bying rlabs char ‘bebs zhes bya ba, in The Biographies of Sa-skya Lo-tstshā-ba ‘Jam-pa’i-rdo-rje (1485–1533) sṄags-‘chaṅ Grags-pa-blo-gros (1563–1617), and ‘Jam-dbyaṅs bSod-nams-dbaṅ-po (1559-1621), Reproduced from clear prints of the Sde-dge Dgon-chen blocks, Sakya Centre, Dehradun, 1984, pp. 39-91.

‘Jam dbyangs bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po (*1563–1617)

brGyud pa’i lo rgyus nor bu’i phreng ba, in sNga ‘gyur byang gter chos skor phyogs bsgrigs, vol. 1, pp. 43-71.

Schwieger, Peter

Die Werksammlungen Kun-tu bzaṅ-po’i dgoṅs-pa zang-thal, Ka-dag raṅ-byuṅ raṅ-śar und mKha’-‘gro gsaṅ-ba ye-śes-kyi rgyud, Tibetische Handschriften und Blockdrucke, Teil 9,  Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, Wiesbaden, 1985.

 

  1. It is not, for instance, included in the 1978 three volume edition of the Byang gter rdzogs chen dgongs pa zang thal and Thugs sgrub skor. Nor is it contained in the A ‘dzom chos sgar edition. []
  2. About his life, see ‘Jam mgon A mes zhabs, sNgags ‘chang grags pa blo gros kyi rnam thar, pp. 39-91. His name is given on p. 43 as sNgags ‘chang Grags pa Blo gros rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po, and as ‘Jam dbyangs bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po on p. 48. []
  3. The fact that he belong to the Sa skya lineage and that he therefore might really be the 25th Sa skya khri ‘dzin, is hinted at in the Nor bu’i phreng ba itself in which he introduces himself at one point as being of Sa skya lineage (p. 69: bdag sa skya ‘jam dbyangs bsod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang pos/…). []
  4. There is a discrepancy of about one century and a half when comparing these dates with those that are traditionally associated with the 25th Sa skya khri ‘dzin. []
  5. The list he gives enumerates: spros bcas dbang, spros med dbang, shin tu spros med dbang, rab tu spros med dbang, as well as thugs dbang, and rtsal dbang. []
  6. ‘Od mi ‘gyur ba (“Immutable Light”) is the name of the primordial Buddha as it appears in several Tantras of the dGongs pa zang thal (and elsewhere). This name can be interpreted as symbolically referring to the natural state (gnas lugs) which is defined as the nondifferentiation of Emptiness and Clarity (stong gsal dbyer med). The Emptiness aspect (stong cha) of this state is to be associated with the “Immutable” (mi ‘gyur ba) Essence (ngo bo) of the Buddha, while the “Light” or Clarity aspect (gsal cha) is connected to his Nature (rang bzhin). See also P. Schwieger, Die Werksammlungen Kun-tu bzaṅ-po’i dgoṅs-pa zang-thal, p. xix. []
  7. Starting with the next in the line of transmission, i.e., dGa’ rab rdo rje, all masters belong to the human realms, while nos. 1-4 were associated with divine abodes. []
  8. Padmasambhava, Vairocana, and Vimalamitra are traditionally presented as having all been disciples of Śrī Siṃha, although not at the same time. []
  9. She was a disciple of Padmasambhava (no. 8), not of Vairocana or Vimalamitra. And even though she had been married to king Khri srong lde btsan she was in no way his disciple either. []
  10. This is of course Rig ‘dzin rGod ldem (1337–1408). In the lineage of the Ka dag rang byung rang shar (Byang gter phyogs bsgrigs, vol. 3 p. 11), he is described as a great Knowledge-Holder (rig ‘dzin chen po) having a dark red or brown complexion (sku mdog dmar smug). []
  11. bSod nams bzang po and Nam mkha’ grags pa are both direct disciples of Rig ‘dzin rGod ldem. []
  12. He was Rig ‘dzin rGod ldem’s son. []

Notes on the History of the Revelation of the Treasure (gTer bton pa’i lo rgyus)

Jean-Luc Achard
(CRCAO, CNRS)

Copyright © BDRC 2023, Work no. W2PD17457.

The text summarized below is the first work opening the dGongs pa zang thal cycle included in the initial volume of the sNga ‘gyur byang gter chos skor phyogs bsgrigs collection published in India, in 2015.1 It relates the history of the revelation of the Treasure (gter ma) that would make up the dGongs pa zang thal itself, during the spring season of 1366. It is a fascinating narration since the largest part of it is told in the first person by Rig ‘dzin rGod ldem (1337–1408), highlighting the events that would later be incorporated—practically verbatim—in the rGod ldem biography.2 In its last part (p. 6), the narration appears a little rambling but it synthesizes in a few words the events that took place and the importance of both the location of the Treasure site (gter gnas) and the influence of the teachings discovered therein.

[P.2] The gter ma of the dGongs pa zang thal was hidden by ācārya Padmasambhava on the rocky mountain looking like a heap of poisonous snakes. The mountain itself is not named but it is Mount Zang zang lha brag (although the name Zang zang lha brag seems to be also used for the actual cave where the treasure was found).3 The key necessary for opening the treasure site was also hidden by Padmasambhava, this time on the peak of Mount Ri bo bkra bzang.4 The Index (kha byang) and the Itinerary Manual (lam byang) were hidden in a place called Grom pa rgyang, located in gTsang. Actually, from the biography of Rig ‘dzin rGod ldem, this is a reference to a temple built in this location.5

On the eighth day of the snake month of the year 1366,6 during the conjunction of the rGyal and Phur bu constellations,7 dNgos grub rgyal mtshan (i.e., Rig ‘dzin rGod ldem) and a couple of devoted companions8 headed out to excavate the Treasure. At dawn, they saw a sign manifesting in the form of a luminous white ray coming from the eastern direction and entering Mount Ri bo bkra bzang.9 The exact place was a spot where snow had just fallen on a rock. They started to dig below it and found a stone reliquary that had been hidden amidst a charcoal deposit.10 Within that rGod ldem extracted a white stone having the shape of a pillar and the length of a finger span.11

[P. 3] Then, on the fourth day of the sheep month,12 again at the period corresponding to the conjunction of the rGyal and Phur bu constellations, rGod ldem stated that it was time to excavate the Treasure. Thus, together with Ri khrod pa Sangs rgyas bstan pa and Rig ‘dzin mgon po, they started the journey to Zang zang but on their way they encountered numerous demonic obstacles. So they decided to stop and recite prayers to Padmasambhava,13 after which a five-colored rainbow started to shine continuously in the sky.
When they reached the foot of the mountain looking like a heap of poisonous snakes, three rainbows looking like stretched out white silk arose. For two days, they searched the middle part of the great rocky mountain until they actually found the place, a discovery that was marked by the manifestation of rainbows. They started to recite prayers and after sunset, the cave where they were practicing began to tremble and shake. They understood that this was a sign indicating the coming of the Lord of the Treasure (gter bdag).14

[P. 4] Thereafter, around midnight, using butter lamps for progressing in the dark, rGod ldem saw a rock on the south-west, marked with a vajra-cross (rdo rje rgya gram) and inserted the key below it. A hidden door opened in the rock and rGod ldem could see there was a small cave inside, containing small brook pebbles and charcoal.15 He cleared this material away and found a square blue stone-box with door ornaments sealing it with silver-colored nails. On the top of the stone was a light blue snake figure, with a yellow belly.16 Its head was turned towards the south-east and at the level of its heart were three protruding precious jewels. Inside the snake, rGod ldem found a scroll and some jewels. The entire inner part of the serpent artifact was of golden color and contained a thumb-sized jewel but since nothing was mentioned about it in the Index or Inventory Guide (Kha byang),17 rGod ldem decided to leave it there.
Then, he opened the central door of the Treasure and found three scrolls (shog dril), three phur bu, all fully wrapped into a brown piece of silk. From the four directions within the central cache, he found two sets of mother and son texts in scroll form, as well as the carved seed-syllables of the four female gate keepers (sgo ma bzhi)18 and eight mother and sons texts about medicine. From the four other caches around the central one, he found various kinds of jewels, including four royal soul-turquoises (bla g.yu) which the Lord of the Treasures ordered him not to take out. Inside the key itself, he found seven scrolls including an Inventory Guide of Treasures (gTer gyi kha byang).

[P. 5] He then filled the treasure-box with slivers of a Ficus tree,19 as well as grains and five kinds of jewels, the whole being used as substitute for the Treasure (gter tshab).20 The actual revelation of the Treasure took place at the exact time of the breaking of dawn.21 Having taken the Treasure with them, rGod ldem and his companions left the location. At that time, a ray of light coming from the sun directly entered the cave in the form of a rainbow, while a heavy rain started to fall in all the region.22 Wherever they went, rainbows would fill the sky in the manner of five-colored domes and as they arrived at the foot of Mount Ri bo bkra bzang, rays of light spread toward the west within a sky of a ruby color, a pure vision that was witnessed by all, great and small. During the night, there was an earthquake and numerous impressive omens occurred. After that, wherever they went, there were indications that people would have faith in the Treasure.

At this point of the narration, there is an implicit break where the text refers to the Seven Principles of the Precepts (associated with) the Key Points of the Heart Drops (sNying tig gnad kyi man ngag don bdun)23 explaining that vulture feathers started to appear on rGod ldem’s head when he was twelve and that they turned into white hair when he was twenty-one. One day, when he was twenty-seven,24 as he was in front of Mount Ri bo bkra bzang, he found a round leather pouch (rgyal pa) of an oily color, as if filled with milk. Upon tasting it, he found that it was actually filled with amṛta (bdud rtsi).25

[P. 6] As a synthesis, the last part of the text recalls that at the age of 30 (in 1366),26 rGod ldem revealed the “Great Treasure” (gter chen), i.e., the dGongs pa zang thal collection. The following year, in 1367 (lug gi lo), together with a party of devoted followers, he went back to the place where he had discovered the Treasure key in Ri bo bkra bzang and found out that a tree had grown there.27 Upon reaching the top of the mountain, numerous auspicious omens occurred that were witnessed by all those accompanying him. 

During this degenerate age, the teaching of this Treasure will, for a time, bring happiness to the realm of Tibet. The very place where the Treasure was excavated will also bring prosperity around.

In the future, Speech and Mind Emanations (gsung dang thugs kyi sprul pa) will come from Yang le shod in Nepal to sKyid rong in Mang yul, and in Ri bo bkra bzang itself they will find a self-arisen practice sanctuary (rang byung gi sgrub gnas) where they will see signs of Padmasambhava’s Body, Speech, and Mind. This will bring great benefit to beings. These teachings will be spread by fortunate ones at the southern frontier of Tibet.

The history of the excavation of the Treasure of the rocky mountain resembling a heap of poisonous snakes by Rig ‘dzin rGod kyi ldem phru28 can was redacted at the practice sanctuary (sgrub gnas) of gNa’ mo lung.

Bibliography

 

Collective

Byang gter lugs kyi rnam thar dang ma ‘ongs lung bstanCollected Biographies and Prophecies from the Byaṅ gter tradition, Reproduced from manuscripts from the library of Bla-ma seṅge of Yol-mo, Gangtok, 1983.

Herweg, Jurgen Wilhelm

The Hagiography of Rig ‘dzin Rgod kyi ldem ‘phru can And Three Historic Questions Emerging from It, MA, University of Washington, 1994, 329 pages.

Makhija, I.K; Sharma, I.P.; Khamar, D.

“Phytochemistry and Pharmacological properties of Ficus Religiosa: an overview, Annals of Biological Research, 2010, vol. 1, no. 4, pp. 171-180.

Rig ‘dzin rGod ldem  (1337–1048)

 gTer bton pa’i lo rgyus, in sNga ‘gyur byang gter chos skor phyogs bsgrigs, s.l., 2015, vol. 1, pp. 1-6. BDRC W2PD17457. Smanrtsis Shesrig Spendzod, Leh, 1979, vol. 93, pp. 1-7.

— Ri bo bkra bzang gi gnas bshadgNas chen byin ‘beb kyang zer: ri bo bkra bzang gi gnas bshad yang zer: bod khams kun la dgos pa’i lung bstan ces kyang zer ba, in Drag po rang ‘byung rang shar chen po’i rgyud dang bka’ brgyad kyi bsnyen thabs ‘das pa’i zhal lung sogs bcasA Collection of Byang gter Texts, Delhi, 1975, vol. 2, pp. 145-169. BDR:W30291.

Sangs rgyas bzang po (15th c.?)

Legs par bshad paʼi gter mdzod blo gsal yid la dgaʼ ba ster byed, in bKaʼ gdams gsung ʼbum phyogs bsgrigs thengs gnyis pa, vol. 16, Si khron dpe skrun tshogs pa si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 2007, pp. 33-115. BDRC bdr:MW1PD89084_1850BB.

Tulku Thondup Rinpoche            

Hidden Teachings of Tibet, An Explanation of the Terma Tradition of Tibetan Buddhism, edited by Harold Talbott, Wisdom Publications, London, 1986.

Turpeinen, Katarina Sylvia

Vision of Samantabhadra – The Dzokchen Anthology of Rindzin Gödem, PhD, University of Virginia, 2015, 276 pages.

 

  1. dGongs pa zang thal, vol. 1, pp. 1-6. It is also included in the Smanrtsis Shesrig Spendzod collection, vol. 93, Leh, 1979, pp. 1-7. However, the text is missing from the A ‘dzom sgar edition as already noted by Turpeinen (in Vision of Samantabhadra – The Dzokchen Anthology of Rindzin Gödem, p. 27). []
  2. Most of the events related to the discovery are told in the biography and can be found in Herweg, The Hagiography of Rig ‘dzin Rgod kyi ldem ‘phru can, passim, although my understanding differs from his on several details. []
  3. There is a very puzzling statement in Herweg, op. cit., p. 16 n. 46, about this toponym. The mountain itself is called Dug sprul spungs ‘dra (“Like a Heap of Poisonous Snakes”) which is attested in other sources, starting with the gTer bton pa’i lo rgyus. []
  4. Ri bo bkra bzang is the main sacred mountain next to rGod ldem’s birth place. See rGod ldem, Ri bo bkra bzang gi gnas bshad, passim. []
  5. Herweg, pp. 85-86 (I thank Jay Valentine for sharing with me his ocrized version of Herweg’s Master of Art thesis). Grom ba rgyang is a hermitage (dben gnas) with a temple (gtsug lag khang) that was probably the place where these texts were discovered. This was for instance a place where bKa’ gdams Sangs rgyas bzang po wrote some of his personal composition; see inter alia his Legs par bshad paʼi gter mdzod blo gsal yid la dgaʼ ba ster byed in which the colophon (p. 115, last line) indicates that Sangs rgyas bzang po wrote his work in the great temple of Grom pa rgyang, the hermitage enjoyed by numerous accomplished scholars (…mkhas grub du ma nye bar rten pa’i dben gnas/ grom pa rgyan gyi gtsug lag khang chen por…). []
  6. Corresponding, according to Herweg (p. 93), to Sunday, 19th April, 1366. []
  7. This refers to a very precise manner of calculating time which eludes me. What I have understood of these calculations is that this conjunction corresponds to early morning, around 7:00 am, given the month of April (it should be a different hour in autumn, winter and summer). This is an issue that should be corrected if needed. []
  8. They are identified below as being Ri khrod pa Sangs rgyas bstan pa and Rig ‘dzin mGon po. []
  9. Most evidently, the place where the ray hit the mountain indicated the precise location where they had to dig. []
  10. Charcoal appears regularly in the narratives about gter ma revelation. It is used to prevent dampness and underground insects to deteriorate Treasures, even though the latter are generally placed in stone-boxes or stone-caskets (but see Thondup, Hidden Teachings of Tibet, p. 70, who indicates that the sgrom bu (chest or casket) containing the gter ma can be “made of precious gems, metals, wood, clay, or stone”). []
  11. Since the place where this object was discovered is Ri bo bkra bzang, according to prophetic guides (lung byang) it is clear that it is the key (lde mig) necessary to open the Treasure in Zang zang lha brag. []
  12. Corresponding, according to Herweg (p. 94), to Sunday, 14th June, 1366. []
  13. He is simply referred to as the gu ru in the text. []
  14. The main guardian of these teachings is Ekajāti under the form named rDo rje khro gdong ma. []
  15. We have seen the potential role of charcoal above in note 8. The use of gravel or chippings—and in the present case brook pebbles (chu rdo)—is clearly made for preventing dampness and enabling drainage. The presence of these tangible, practical elements gives weight to the reliability or trustworthiness of these narratives. []
  16. This was not a living reptile or a drawing but rather a three-dimensional artifact. []
  17. This text is possibly the Kha byang gter gyi bang mdzod included in Collected Biographies and Prophecies of the Byaṅ gter tradition, pp. 265-272 (thanks to Jay Valentine for identifying the text). As we shall see just below, during this discovery, rGod ldem found another “inventory” text simply entitled gTer gyi kha byang. []
  18. These four guardians are counted among the Zhi khro and despite their outer wrathful appearance are said to belong to the peaceful deities (zhi ba). They are: 1) She with a Horse head (rTa gdong ma) holding a hook, 2) She with a Sow head (Phag gdong ma) holding a lasso, 3) She with a Lion Head (Seng gdong ma) holding a chain, and 4) She with a Wolf Head (sPyang gdong ma) holding a bell. []
  19. byang chub kyi shing bu, the Ficus Religiosa (the Pipal or Ashvatta tree). It is under a Ficus that Śākyamuni obtained Buddhahood, hence the sacred nature of this species. In Ayurveda, parts of the tree are used to treat several illnesses (from dysentery to tuberculosis and so forth; see Makhija et al., “Phytochemistry and Pharmacological properties of Ficus Religiosa”, p. 172 et seq.) and in the practice of bcud len, it is also included in pills aimed at rejuvenating the body and getting rid of stress (not to mention the treatment of type 2 diabetes; see id., p. 175). []
  20. When a gter ston reveals a Treasure, he is supposed to leave a “treasure substitute” (gter tshab) to the Treasure Lords, in exchange for the substances, artifacts or texts he excavates. As shown by Tulku Thondup (op. cit.,p. 84 and 257 n. 240) the contents of these substitutes might be indicated in the Prophetic Guide (Lung byang) that the gter ston is supposed to have discovered before excavating the Treasure. Such a Guide may also have been previously discovered by another gter ston who may then hand this list to the predestined gter ston. []
  21. As an auspicious sign, indicating the favorable dissemination of the teachings in the future, the light of dawn dispelling the darkness of the night symbolically illustrates the light of knowledge (gained through the practice of the gter ma) dispelling the darkness of ignorance. []
  22. This is an indication of the purification of sins being potentially still active in the gter ston and his assistants. Actual meteorological events and their symbolic meaning are here again totally fused together. []
  23. dGongs pa zang thal, vol. 3, pp. 285-303. []
  24. Most certainly around 1364 (the year Klong chen pa passed away). []
  25. This is most probably not a casual discovery but something that must be counted among his gter ma. Finding peculiar substances such as those liberating upon taste (myong grol) are not rare among Treasure revelations. See Thondup, op. cit., pp. 152-153. []
  26. He was actually twenty-nine according to our comput. []
  27. Since only a year had elapsed, the “tree” might simply have been a shrub at that time. Or this is again a symbol annunciating the perennity of the dGongs pa zang thal revelation. []
  28.  Phru in the text but it should be corrected to ‘phru. Apparently the sNga ‘gyur byang gter chos skor phyogs bsgrigs editor did not use the Smanrtsis Shesrig Spendzod version which had been corrected and provided the reading ‘phru in which the ‘a chung was added as a correction. []